29/11/14

Aplicaciones en Internet: no lloren por mi en Argentina!*

Imaginemos una escena normal en nuestra vida cotidiana: Usted despierta un día en Buenos Aires y quiere recordar un video que vio en YouTube hace unos meses; intenta ingresar a esa aplicación en Internet pero recibe este mensaje: YouTube no cuenta con licencia para operar en Argentina como Tecnología de Información y Comunicación (TIC). Licencia para YouTube? Puede que Usted piense que está soñando, pero no es así: si se aprueba el proyecto de ley "Argentina Digital" esto podría ocurrir. Y no sólo con YouTube... la ley define a las TICs de manera amplia y las obliga a tener licencia para operar. ¡No lloren por mi en Argentina, aplicaciones (TICs) en Internet!

Para ser claro: modernizar la ley de telecomunicaciones en Argentina es necesario. Son legítimos los objetivos de cualquier iniciativa para garantizar, por ejemplo la neutralidad de la red o el acceso a Internet de la población. Pero cuando esta ley se hace a las apuradas, los resultados pueden traer consecuencias ridículas. La definición de TICs que agregó una Comisión en el Senado es copiada de la ley Colombiana. Pero en Colombia no se exige licencia para los casos de las TICs. "Cortar y Pegar", si no se hace con cuidado y conocimiento es peligroso. Pero es lógico que ello haya ocurrido, porque para revisar un mal proyecto impulsado por el Poder Ejecutivo la Comisión tomó tan sólo dos semanas. Sobre las razones del apuro, sólo pueden conjeturarse razones políticas para complacer a la Presidenta en su propio apuro en tener esta ley.

No es mi deseo aburrir citando más deficiencias técnicas del proyecto "Argentina Digital", que, a decir verdad, ha recibido una enorme oposición de sectores académicos, de la sociedad civil y del sector privado. Una crítica recurrente han sido los enormes poderes que se le da a una Autoridad de Aplicación que será designada después de sancionada la ley y su creador será el Poder Ejecutivo. Y, para volver al principio, esa será la Autoridad que podrá o no conceder las licencias a las aplicaciones en Internet, para citar sólo un ejemplo de todo lo que podrá hacer con nuestra vida cotidiana.

Pero el proyecto "Argentina Digital" es uno más de un conjunto de iniciativas vinculadas con la regulación de Internet que empezaron a florecer en nuestra primavera.

Por ejemplo, la Cámara de Diputados aprobó con poco debate a la medianoche de una maratónica sesión donde se discutieron una veintena de proyectos el 12 de noviembre,  un proyecto impulsado por un Diputado del oficialismo que prohíbe avisos o publicaciones que hagan referencia “explícita o implícita” a la solicitud de personas destinadas al comercio sexual, por cualquier medio de comunicación. El objetivo puede aparecer a primera vista legítimo. Pero cuando advertimos que una Autoridad de Aplicación -sí, de nuevo una Autoridad de Aplicación que se designa después de sancionada la ley- podrá monitorear todos los medios de comunicación para detectar estos mensajes de oferta sexual podremos anticipar lo peligroso que puede tornarse dar por ley la posibilidad de monitoreo de la red.

Hay más proyectos de ley de este tipo, por ejemplo, sobre el "derecho al olvido" o sobre la lucha contra actos discriminatorios en línea, entre otros.

Una buena pregunta para hacerse es cómo llegamos a esta situación. Una mejor respuesta puede encontrarse en la combinación, por un lado, del desconocimiento de cuestiones técnicas por parte de quienes impulsan proyectos de ley como el mencionado antes; y, por el otro, del interés de subirse a la ola mundial que debate temas sobre regulación de Internet. Por supuesto que este último interés es legítimo. Más obvio resulta afirmar que los objetivos anunciados de estas leyes son también legítimos. Pero la regulación de derechos en la era digital requiere de la prudencia y la experticia necesaria para prevenir resultados no deseados, o aún peor, violaciones de derechos fundamentales, como las que podrían ocurrir de aprobarse proyectos de ley como los aquí mencionados.

* Esta nota fue originalmente publicada en inglés en The Huffington Post. Agradezco la colaboración de Sophia Sadinsky que la hizo posible.

Internet Applications: Don't Cry for Me in Argentina!*

Let's imagine a normal scene from daily life: you wake up one day in Buenos Aires and want to remember a video that you saw on YouTube a few months earlier. You try to open the application, but receive this message: YouTube does not have a license to operate in Argentina as an Information and Communication Technology (ICT). A license for YouTube? You may think you're dreaming, but you're not: if the draft bill "Digital Argentina" is passed, this could happen. And not only with YouTube...the law broadly defines ICTs and requires them to have a license to operate. Don't cry for me in Argentina, Internet ICT applications!

To be clear: modernizing the telecommunications law in Argentina is necessary. Any initiative to guarantee, for example, net neutrality or citizens' access to Internet has legitimate objectives. But when the law is hastily put together, there can be ridiculous consequences. The definition of ICTs that the Senate Commission added is from the Colombian law. But in Colombia, licenses are not required in the case of ICTs. "Cutting and pasting," if done carelessly and without sufficient understanding, is dangerous. But it makes sense that this has occurred, because the Commission took only two weeks to review a poorly done draft put forward by the Executive Power. In terms of the reasons for the rush, we can only speculate about the political motives behind pleasing a President who is anxious to pass this law.
My goal isn't to bore you by citing additional technical deficiencies of "Digital Argentina," which has received enormous opposition from within academia, civil society and the private sector. A recurring criticism is related to the extensive powers that it gives to a regulatory authority, which will be designated after the law has been passed and whose creator will be the Executive Power. And, to return the beginning, that will be the authority that could decide against granting licenses to Internet applications, to cite a single example of what could happen.
But the "Digital Argentina" bill is just one of a number of initiatives related to Internet regulation that have been cropping up this season.
For example, at midnight at the end of a marathon session on November 12th when twenty different bills were discussed, the House of Representatives approved - after little debate - a bill presented by a Representative from the governing party that prohibits advertisements or publications that make "explicit or implicit" references to soliciting people for transactional sex, using any means of communication. At first glance, this could seem like well-intentioned approach for combatting human trafficking in Argentina. But when we point out that a regulatory authority - yes, another regulatory authority that will be designated after the law's passage - will be able to monitor all forms of communication to detect messages related to commercial sex, we can anticipate how dangerous it could be to enable by law the possibility of this kind of monitoring.
There are more draft bills of this kind, such as the "right to be forgotten," ones related to prohibiting discriminatory acts online, and others.
A good question to ask one's self is where all of these bills are coming from. A better response may be found in the combination of, on the one hand, a lack of understanding of the technical issues among those who are driving draft bills like the ones mentioned earlier; and, on the other hand, their interest in participating in the wave of debates unfolding worldwide on issues related to Internet regulation. This interest is certainly legitimate, as may be the objectives of these laws. But the regulation of rights in the digital era requires prudence and expertise to prevent undesirable results or, worse, violations of fundamental rights, such as those that could occur by passing laws like the ones mentioned here.
* Originally published by The Huffington Post at http://www.huffingtonpost.com/eduardo-bertoni/internet-applications-don_b_6222342.html?utm_hp_ref=technology&ir=Technology


26/11/14

Supreme Court of Argentina Rules Google Not Liable for Search Results

originally published by MLRC, Media Law Letter, November 2014.

Valuable Precedent for Freedom of Expression on the Internet

 In an important ruling, the Supreme Court of Argentina recently issued a decision on the liability of search engines for linking to defamatory and/or unlawful websites. María Belén Rodriguez c. Google s/daños y perjuicios, Case No. 99.613/06 (Oct. 28, 2015).

 The court rejected the theory of strict liability for search engine results. Instead the search engine must have actual knowledge of the defamatory or infringing content based on notice from a judicial official, except in cases involving clearly illegal content such as child pornography.

Background

 In 2006, Argentinian model María Belén Rodriguez sued Google claiming that searches of her name returned links to and thumbnail photographs from pornographic websites. She alleged the search results falsely portrayed her as a prostitute and the thumbnails used her image without permission. A lower court ordered Google to pay damages of approximately $6,000 U.S. on the basis that Google was responsible for the harm caused by the third party sites which were not parties to the case.

 Although the damages were modest, hundreds of similar lawsuits are pending in Argentina against Google and other search engines seeking to hold them liable for search results and content on third party websites.

I wrote a “friend of the court” amicus brief to the Supreme Court addressing the issue of intermediary liability of search engines and referring the Court to international standards in this area.

Court Ruling

 The Court held that a strict liability regime for search engines would be contrary to freedom of expression. And search engines have no legal obligation to monitor the content they transmit. The Court extended this analysis to the thumbnails (the miniature images in online searches). Those would also be the responsibility of whoever produced the images and the content, and not the responsibility of the intermediary that simply indexes them.

The search engine is only responsible when it has “actual knowledge” of unlawful content. But such knowledge should be based on notice from a competent authority (a judge or tribunal, for example), and not merely upon a user’s complaint to the search engine. The Court noted that search engines do not have to act as judges to determine whether content is defamatory.

However the search engine may be held responsible in cases in which the content is “explicitly unlawful,” a standard which, in the Court’s judgment, would be useful for clear cases like child pornography, and a list of other examples, including hate speech.

 More clarification will be needed to determine whether and how notice applies in these situations, however, this does not detract from the Supreme Court’s approach in resolving the core issue, particularly the Court’s respect for freedom of expression.

 In addition, the Court noted that preliminary measures to remove content should be limited to exceptional cases, given that restrictions and limitations on freedom of expression carry a strong presumption of unconstitutionality.

 The case was resolved by a majority, not unanimously. Judges Ricardo Lorenzetti and Juan Carlos Maqueda dissented in part and their opinions will need to be analyzed in greater depth. In their dissent, for example, they would have held Google responsible for the thumbnails based on violation of rights to image. They also contemplated the possibility of preventive court measures to remove or block links that are clearly detrimental to personal rights.

  In conclusion, while some of the issues covered in this ruling will need clarification in the future – like the standard on actual knowledge – in general the decision is, without a doubt, a valuable precedent for freedom of expression on the Internet.